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En fechas recientes descubrí términos útiles para la investigación que realizo: la literatura transatlántica, utilizada en los estudios iberoamericanos, y la ecología de la literatura, usada en estudios de literatura comparada. El primer término se refiere a las afinidades y choques continuos que tienen autores capaces de navegar en varias lenguas y culturas, tal es el caso de Jorge Eduardo Eielson. De origen peruano, Eielson vivió gran parte de su vida en Europa, concretamente en Francia e Italia, aunque visitaba Perú más o menos regularmente y viajó brevemente a Estados Unidos. Todo lo anterior resulta útil si se piensa que los poemas y las instalaciones emblemáticas de Eielson encierran la fusión de culturas marginales: los quipus (nudos en quechua) rinden homenaje a las culturas precolombinas oriundas del Perú, pero también son consecuencia de una marcada influencia oriental, particularmente de las lecciones taoístas y algunas referencias anticonceptuales del budismo zen. Sorprende aún más saber que las lecciones de Oriente parecen haber llegado vía Estados Unidos, gracias a la New York School.

This article explores the semantic implications of the concept of tedio through a comparative analysis of Rosalia de Castro´s novel, Flavio, and Edgar Allan Poe’s tale, «The Man of the Crowd». Like spleen and ennui, hispanic tedio is an emotional concept inseparable from the industrial dynamic of the modern city. In this sense, it can be read as a symptom of the profound modification of aesthetic and sociological aspects of narrative which took place in the second half of the XIX century.

Introduction The experiences of democratization in Latin America and Eastern Europe in the 1980s and early 1990s brought attention to the forces of civil society as key actors in the demise of authoritarian rule (O’Donnell and Schmitter 1986; Cohen and Arato 1992; Bernhard 1993; Linz and Stepan 1996). More recent literature questions the inherently pro-democratic character of civil society activism (Warren 2000; Armony 2004; Jamal 2007). In both lines of argument, societal associations or social movements are at the core of the inquiry. However, Hirschman’s category of “voice,” which encompasses as much articulation of discontent as it does actions of protest (Hirschman 1970), reminds us that for civil society activism to evolve, something fundamental is necessary: an arena in which voices can be raised and heard and in which government and society interact. The question of civil society, thus, is intrinsically linked to the conditions, contours, limitations and possibilities of communication, media and the public sphere. Ever since the term “Facebook revolution” (Smith 2011) was coined for the social mobilizations that led to the downfall of the Mubarak regime in Egypt, this link between communication, civil society activism and democratization has received great media attention. However, most of this attention focused on the mobilizing potential of the digital media at the moment of rupture. This chapter takes a contemporary perspective as it seeks to contribute to our understanding of the Internet’s impact on civil society dynamics in a non-pluralist context through a diachronic comparison. Based on an empirical study of the Cuban case, the argument is as follows. Prior to the entry of the Internet, the civil society debate centered around the quest for higher degrees of autonomy for associations and institutions within the framework of the state-socialist regime. In contrast, the new media enabled the emergence of a new, less state-dependent type of public sphere; as a consequence, the civil society debate has become increasingly centered on the assertion of individual citizenship rights within andvis-à-vis the state. The reformist civil society quest of the pre-Internet period failed in part because of its character as behind-the-scenes-struggle, shielded from public view, which impeded a broader mobilization of protest when the state decided to rein in the incipient push for civil society. In contrast, the current drive for civil society indeed finds strong public repercussion; for its democratizing potential to come to fruition, the crucial fault-line is to connect web-based voice to public debate and social action in the country’s physical off-line environment. By taking Cuba as object of empirical analysis, this study selects a case with a particularly thorough form of authoritarian hold over the public sphere: a formal monopoly of the Cuban state on mass media, established in the historic experience of twentieth-century state-socialism and upheld even two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall. At the same time, Cuba is strongly exposed to transnational influences and a transnational articulation of voice, due to a large number of emigrant and diaspora communities that remain highly attached to their country of origin (Fernández 2005). The approach chosen to analyze the impact of the Internet on state-society relations is through a diachronic comparison of the Cuban development in two distinct periods: the pre-Internet period, i.e., Cuba in the early to mid 1990s, when the Cold War alignment had already become history but web-based technologies did not yet have a major presence on the island; and more than a decade later, since the mid to late 2000s, when web-based media had made their entry on the island. Formal data on Internet access and use are scarce and unreliable. For 2009, the Cuban Ministry of Informatics and Communications gives the figure of 1,450,000 Cubans, or 12.7 percent, as “Internet users” (ONE 2009)1 without specifying the precise uses this number includes. The figure certainly should not be mistaken for access to the World Wide Web, which remains severely restricted. Instead, the figure most probably includes all Cubans with some kind of (even if only sporadic) access to closed domestic networks or with access to e-mail services. At the same time accounts are shared and, as for other goods and services, also Internet access has a black market side that escapes official statistics. Moreover, Internet content “travels” by USB stick also to many who do not have access themselves. For both these periods, the study relies on the analysis of numerous primary documents, as well as newspapers and secondary literature. In the case of the post-Internet phase, in addition to the above, documents published on the web have been a primary source of analysis. While some authors link issues of civil society and Internet voice merely to the political opposition, this chapter does not limit its focus to this divide but analyzes as much societal actors working within the established institutions of the socialist state as well as those outside of it. In both periods under scrutiny field trips to the island were undertaken in which actors from a broad range of positions were interviewed. While these interviews are not cited directly due to political sensitivities, they provide an invaluable background for the trends described.

Centred around Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony, this paper employs a critical globalisation theory framework to argue that the 1990s notion of ‘changing the world from below', understood as resistance to capitalist globalisation through a ‘transnational civil society', requires re-theorisation in the light of the contemporary developments in Our America. I make a methodological case for a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that ‘counter-hegemony', together with an adequate theorisation of the state and power, should be the preferred concept over the inherently apolitical and under-theorised ‘alter-globalisation'. Whilst the alter-globalisation movement's ideational and normative challenges to hegemony (captured in ex-British prime minister Thatcher's There-Is-No-Alternative-Doctrine, TINA) are undisputed, the transformation of the global geographies of power through local actors alone has remained illusory. Rather, the experience of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America - Peoples' Trade Agreement (ALBA-PTA) strongly suggests that counter-hegemonic globalisation theory will have to consider the roles of both the ‘state-in-revolution' and the ‘transnational organised society'. This will be shown through the analysis and theorisation of the ALBA-PTA as a multi dimensional inter and transnational counter-hegemonic regionalisation and globalisation project that operates across a range of sectors and scales.

Professionalization and political engagement are usually placed as incompatible in the case of journalism and the mainstream press, resulting in an identification of cultural resistance exclusively with alternative/amateur vehicles. I will use the concept of journalistic field as introduced by Pierre Bourdieu to review these assumptions and discuss a form of political resistance that acts in one's own area of knowledge, is not overtly political and whose effects are not immediately accountable for. Drawing examples from my research on two literary newspapers published in the 1950s in Brazil and Uruguay, this paper will focus on the implications of didacticism for literary criticism as a genre of newswriting. The analysis of these newspapers will lead to a reflection on two main issues: a) the conflict between the professionalization and democratization of literature; and b) the definition of resistance as necessarily an action that is against something. The article will reconsider education in journalism as a form of resistance, taking into account its risks of becoming political indoctrination and commercial manipulation, but emphasizing its potential as a way of expanding access to literature.

This article analyses a range of discourses articulated around the figure of the film archive between the late nineteenth and the early twenty-first centuries, accounting for the various possibilities that they open up for considering audiovisual heritage as a potential space either for revolutionary change or for political or textual resistance. Focused mainly on archival discourses in Mexico, the article traces their interaction with both national-historical and anti-imperialist narratives, and the implications of digital and online culture for the encounter between the archiving of film and resistance. It accounts for the position of the archive in negotiations between state and private capital and spaces of artistic autonomy, and for the relationships between the archive, modernity, postmodernity and the notion of posterity.

Josefina Ludmer en el ensayo más esperado de la década deja de lado las categorías de la teoría literaria utilizadas hasta el momento en busca de nuevas articulaciones y nociones que recorran todas las divisiones actuales y permitan entender la configuración política económica y social de los años 2000 en América latina. El resultado es una serie de esbozos teóricos que parten de un universo sin afueras real virtual al que llama imaginación pública o fabrica de realidad. Un universo que no diferencia entre realidad y ficción y cuya lógica es el movimiento la conectividad la superposición y la sobreimpresión de todo lo visto y oído. La literatura es hilo conductor de la imaginación pública y la vía por la que la especulación entra en esa fábrica de realidad. Las temporalidades y los territorios que instalan las ficciones literarias latinoamericanas de los últimos años (como las de Fernando Vallejo, Horacio Castellanos Moya, Martín Kohan, Perla Suez o Diamela Eltit) definen una forma determinada de “realidadficción”. Un libro decisivo de una de las figuras más lúcidas de la crítica actual indispensable para pensar la América latina del siglo XXI.

Empreendendo uma análise profunda de três romances representativos da literatura latino-americana recente, Diana Klinger aborda dois elementos fundamentais presentes na ficção contemporânea: a presença marcante da primeira pessoa, em que se identificam aspectos de discurso autobiográfico, e uma perspectiva afastada sobre o outro, caracterizando uma literatura que atravessa fronteiras culturais. Escritas de si, escritas do outro constitui, portanto, obra fundamental para a compreensão das novas tendências da ficção contemporânea e, notadamente, da produção literária latino-americana da atualidade.

A pesar de los muchos artículos disperso que oportunamente se ocuparon de reflejar aspectos de la producción poética argentina de las últimas décadas, prácticamente no existen libros que hayan intentado plantear una visión más o menos ordenada de ese conjunto vastísimo y heterogéneo que le ha ofrecido a los lectores muchas más novedades que la prosa en el mismo período. Este libro constituye un esfuerzo en esa dirección.

Eduardo Milán registra la tradición poética latinoamericana a partir de un presente poético integrado por Rubén Darío, Vicente Huidobro, César Vallejo, Pablo Neruda, Oliverio Girondo, Lezama Lima, Octavio Paz y Haroldo de Campos. Milán localiza también en el paisaje poético a los herederos de estos autores: Rodolfo Hinostroza, Raúl Zurita, Néstor Perlongher, Antonio Cisneros, José Kozer y David Huerta.

El siglo XX se terminó –y el XXI empezó o, todavía, espera– con una crise de vers no menor de la que Mallarmé diagnosticó –y contribuyó a precipitar– a finales del XIX. El signo de la crisis, sin embargo, es distinto: con el simbolismo se trataba de una tensión no resuelta entre los instrumentos tradicionales de la poesía y la búsqueda de algo nuevo, de recomienzo. El mundo cambiaba visiblemente y a poesía buscaba su lugar en una situación demasiado volátil para su necesidad de pisar suelo firme. En esa zona de transición se carga el resorte que va a impulsar las primeras vanguardias. La crisis de hoy es menos un desconcierto que un compás de espero.