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This article focuses on the possibilities of using the audio walk as a method for artistic research. First, the decisive characteristics of the format will be outlined, followed by a detailed description of an example case: my artistic research project that focuses on the subject of female migration. Several elements of the audio walk were used in a series of exercises with a group of recently migrated women, with the intention of investigating how the perception of the city is determined by their specific experience. This example case will be used as a means of pointing out several possibilities and opening up a space to think of the audio walk as a way of presenting a work but also as a way of generating knowledge as well.

Los estudios sobre performance han proliferado de manera excepcional a lo largo de las últimas décadas alentados por el “giro corporal” de las ciencias sociales. A las investigaciones antropológicas y sociológicas se le suma la llamada de atención que desde la teoría del arte se desarrolla a razón de las correspondencias y antagonismos de la acción creativa en los espacios públicos. En esta estela discursiva se imbrican experiencias que se soportan a través de lo corporal, resignificándolo y operando como un nuevo modo de autorreconomiento individual y colectivo. Este artículo trata de proponer una mirada reflexiva hacia el espectro de éstos estudios a través de las experiencias que el artista Nel Amaro ha desarrollado a fin de visibilizar y señalizar cómo las prácticas estéticas intervienen en lo común, en los modos de hacer y habitar.

Wie gehen Damien Hirst und Banksy mit Konsumkultur um? Welche Strategien wählen die Künstler, um aus dem Konsumkreis zu entfl iehen? Auf welche Weise tauchen diese Phänomene in beider Kunst auf? Diesen Aufsatz zusammenfassend überspitzt Hirst die radikale Säkularisierung unserer Gesellscha.. ; Banksy politisiert ähnlich der Karikatur durch sein Aufdecken von inhärenten Widersprüchen. What is Damien Hirst's and Banksy's attitude towards consumer culture? What strategies choose the artists to get out of the consumption cycle? In what way do these phenomena of capitalism appear in their art? Generally speaking, Hirst exaggerates the radical secularization of our society; Banksy is politicizing similar to the cartoon by uncovering society's inherent contradictions ¿Cuál es el posicionamiento de Damien Hirst y Banksy frente a la cultura del consumo? ¿Qué estrategias adopta cada uno de ellos para distanciarse del ciclo del consumismo? ¿Cómo representan el capitalismo en su obra? Grosso modo: Hirst exagera la radical secularización de nuestra sociedad y Banksy, acercándose a la caricatura, critica decisiones de tipo político mediante la exhibición de las contradicciones inherentes a ellas.

Este trabajo se propone señalar las prácticas de poesía ligadas a la performance y la teatralidad en la región del Río de la Plata durante los procesos de finalización de la dictadura y comienzos de la democracia, hacia finales del siglo XX. Menciona brevemente una historia del género y los problemas metodológicos que presenta la investigación. Desarrolla, además, la emergencia de formas de la teatralidad en las producciones artísticas y políticas de comienzos de 1980 en Argentina, período marcado por la transición democrática, para ubicar en este marco la producción del poeta y dramaturgo Emeterio Cerro.

After centuries of symbolic and political oppression, Galicia has been recognized by the Spanish constitution as a historic nationality. However, despite a certain degree of political autonomy, Galician identity is threatened by increasing homogenization in the economic, social, cultural and linguistic fields. In the early 1990s the aesthetic movement Bravú constructed an aesthetic community, sustained by an ideological project, and with the aim to, on the one hand, prevent Galician culture from becoming folklore stuck in a time warp and, on the other hand, to validate Galician identity. The Bravú artists refused the historically inherited outsider position and contributed to a reinvention of Galician identity and of a political ideal within a cosmopolitan, internationalist framework and by reversing social stigmas through their works and performances.

Centred around Antonio Gramsci's concept of hegemony, this paper employs a critical globalisation theory framework to argue that the 1990s notion of ‘changing the world from below', understood as resistance to capitalist globalisation through a ‘transnational civil society', requires re-theorisation in the light of the contemporary developments in Our America. I make a methodological case for a neo-Gramscian approach to argue that ‘counter-hegemony', together with an adequate theorisation of the state and power, should be the preferred concept over the inherently apolitical and under-theorised ‘alter-globalisation'. Whilst the alter-globalisation movement's ideational and normative challenges to hegemony (captured in ex-British prime minister Thatcher's There-Is-No-Alternative-Doctrine, TINA) are undisputed, the transformation of the global geographies of power through local actors alone has remained illusory. Rather, the experience of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America - Peoples' Trade Agreement (ALBA-PTA) strongly suggests that counter-hegemonic globalisation theory will have to consider the roles of both the ‘state-in-revolution' and the ‘transnational organised society'. This will be shown through the analysis and theorisation of the ALBA-PTA as a multi dimensional inter and transnational counter-hegemonic regionalisation and globalisation project that operates across a range of sectors and scales.

The concept of ‘resistance' has turned into a critical tool in different areas of political, philosophical and sociological thought. At the same time, the notion seems to be as productive as it is diffuse. ‘Resistance' is used in very specific contexts in scientific or technical disciplines, and with extreme flexibility in social and cultural studies. In the latter two areas, the concept is often used without prior reflection on its characteristics and limitations. In What is Philosophy?, Deleuze provides a possible framework for conceiving cultural and political practices of resistance as positions of force, when he defines contraction as ‘a contemplation that preserves the preceding in the following'. The purpose of this article is to understand political ecologism in its activist and poetical dimensions, in light of a Deleuzian interpretation of resistance.

Professionalization and political engagement are usually placed as incompatible in the case of journalism and the mainstream press, resulting in an identification of cultural resistance exclusively with alternative/amateur vehicles. I will use the concept of journalistic field as introduced by Pierre Bourdieu to review these assumptions and discuss a form of political resistance that acts in one's own area of knowledge, is not overtly political and whose effects are not immediately accountable for. Drawing examples from my research on two literary newspapers published in the 1950s in Brazil and Uruguay, this paper will focus on the implications of didacticism for literary criticism as a genre of newswriting. The analysis of these newspapers will lead to a reflection on two main issues: a) the conflict between the professionalization and democratization of literature; and b) the definition of resistance as necessarily an action that is against something. The article will reconsider education in journalism as a form of resistance, taking into account its risks of becoming political indoctrination and commercial manipulation, but emphasizing its potential as a way of expanding access to literature.

This article offers a pragmatic and relational analysis of the controversial heuristic of cultural resistance and presents some of the problems that affect the production and distribution of the poetic discourses of resistance and emancipation. To that end, it focuses on the incorporation of the historicity and the historic contingency of conflict as key elements of the subjectification constituted by the poem of resistance as “poem for the political”. It also explores the applicability of certain notions common to the contemporary critical tradition, as developed by scholars such as Badiou, Mouffe, Rancière, Bal and Žižek.

The poetic space, as I see it, is a space of resistance. Resistance against the media which do not need poetry. Communication among poets is a go-between, a web of messages, performances and presentations, the circulation of books and digital materials. These activities are political, functioning as politics in the Greek sense: discussion in a public arena, exchanges of opinion and criticism, interventions, concerted decisions, group projects, a net of relationships around the production of texts, articulating versions and diversions of language. These activities and exchanges give the participants a sense of fulfillment. In this sense to pass is to think, to question a certain regime, to marvel that it is still there, to wonder what makes it possible, going into its enclaves, looking for traces of the movements which formed it and discovering in those stories apparently in ashes, how to think, how to live otherwise.

In this article, I analyze the notions of sequentiality and simultaneity in Ursula K. Le Guin's science fiction novel The Dispossessed: An Ambiguous Utopia (1974). I extrapolate this analysis to the contrasting epistemic sensibilities surrounding the concepts of ‘revolution' and ‘resistance' respectively. I am particularly concerned with the role these concepts play in contemporary academic production in the humanities. My aim is to understand the implications of the different conceptions of time and representation associated with each of those two concepts, and what their actual ideological operativity is in the context of the present status quo.

The following text provides a conceptual and theoretical introduction to a collection of essays written by members of the multidisciplinary network of scholars, artists and cultural producers named ‘Poetics of Resistance', which seeks to analyse and encourage discussion of the relationships between creativity, culture and political resistance, in the context of neoliberal globalization. The introduction also provides a critical glossary of a set of loosely interlinking keywords, following Raymond Williams, that mark points of encounter and departure between the approaches of the various authors (not to be confused with the list of keywords used to index each article). Rather than presenting a completed research project, this issue serves as a basis for continuing collaborative research and dialogue in the field, and invites readers to join in the ongoing debate. The contributors to this issue are Paulina Aroch Fugellie, Burghard Baltrusch, Arturo Casas, Marí­a do Cebreiro Rábade Villar, Roberto Echavarren, Marcos Giadas Conde, Cornelia Gräbner, Nathalia Jabur, Thomas Muhr and David Wood.

This essay is a brief study of translation as a practice of aesthetic resistance seen from a historical and philosophical perspective. Translation is perceived as the process of transition and negotiation within the ‘third space' between various different hybrid cultural contexts and their discursive constraints, and referred to as ‘paratranslation'. It summarises the first attempts to think of translation as an almost ‘holistic' paradigm and the aesthetics of intervention from Romantic philosophy onwards. It attempts to show how Walter Benjamin's master narrative, the utopia of ‘pure language', encourages continuous resistance to the totalitarianism of the idea of the ‘original', to aesthetics (within the sense of the perception of the real) and to dominant discourses. It subsequently defines the idea of ‘progress', which considers translation as aesthetic resistance, as a process of construction in constant deconstruction. It concludes by exemplifying the notion of translation as a paradigm of intervention in modernity with a brief analysis of the transcreation performed by Erin Mouré on Fernando Pessoa/Alberto Caeiro's poetic cycle, O Guardador de Rebanhos (The Keeper of Sheep).

This article contests the popular assumption that literature is ever less politically relevant. Quite the contrary is the case: literature and literary language becomes increasingly important for the alter-globalization movement and for the notion that ‘another world is possible.' The work of four authors - Manu Chao, Eduardo Galeano, Subcomandante Marcos, and José Saramago - are comparatively analysed in light of their contribution to an alternative globalism and to an alternative practice of politics. All four authors contribute from different perspectives to the literary articulation of a political project. Their work shares characteristics such as the permeability of genres, the emphasis on the poetical over the narrative, a meandering structure that expresses the search for and step-by-step construction of a cultural and political alternative, and an emphasis on translation and encounter as principles of interaction with difference.

This article analyses a range of discourses articulated around the figure of the film archive between the late nineteenth and the early twenty-first centuries, accounting for the various possibilities that they open up for considering audiovisual heritage as a potential space either for revolutionary change or for political or textual resistance. Focused mainly on archival discourses in Mexico, the article traces their interaction with both national-historical and anti-imperialist narratives, and the implications of digital and online culture for the encounter between the archiving of film and resistance. It accounts for the position of the archive in negotiations between state and private capital and spaces of artistic autonomy, and for the relationships between the archive, modernity, postmodernity and the notion of posterity.

O artigo que aqui se inicia parte de uma reflexão mais genérica sobre a imagem e a visualidade na cidade, para se centrar num exemplo que considero particularmente interessante para o estudo das dinâmicas contemporâneas de apropriação do espaço urbano que recorrem a dispositivos de natureza visual. A cidade é, neste contexto, tomada como artefacto cultural, uma fabricação histórica participada por agentes com poderes e desejos desiguais. Nesta arena conflitual habitam pessoas e comunidades com condições, vontades, práticas e representações, dissemelhantes. A cidade espelha esta multiplicidade ontológica com propensão a revelar-se na matéria visível do quotidiano. À tona emergem sinais, social e culturalmente significativos, que contribuem para a fundação de um ecossistema simbólico e comunicativo particular. Podemos, eventualmente, encarar a existência de uma cultura visual urbana (Wells, 2007) dada a especificidade de agentes, gramáticas e mecanismos de comunicação que conseguimos antever neste território.

Resumen En este artículo se reflexiona sobre la función que tiene la poesía de la memoria de la Guerra Civil española en los espacios públicos, setenta años después del inicio de la guerra. A partir de dos poemas, "El campo de batalla" de Ángel González y "El pasado" de Luis García Montero, se lleva a cabo un análisis de los mecanismos de rememoración colectiva. Así, se presentan ambos poemas como homenaje a la lírica que se escribió y publicó durante la República y la Guerra, y como lugar de encuentro de la memoria de los vencidos. Palabras clave: Ángel González; Luis García Montero; Guerra Civil; Rivas Vaciamadrid. This article studies the function of the poetry of memory of the Spanish Civil War in public spheres, seventy years after the war. Focusing in two poems, "El campo de batalla" by Angel González and "El pasado" by Luis García Montero, an analysis of the mechanisms of collective remembrance is carried out. Thus, the two poems are presented as a homage to the lyric written and published during the Republic and the War, and also as a meeting point for the memory of the defeated. Keywords: Ángel González; Luis García Montero; Civil War; Rivas Vaciamadrid.

Este artigo forma parte dun traballo de investigación máis amplo que intenta afondar na historia do Grupo de Comunicación Poética Rompente facendo unha crónica do grupo, así como unha recompilación de todos os textos que Rompente publicou ou que ficaron inéditos ou esquecidos pola crítica. Aquí faise unha aproximación a unha das actividades de Rompente: a performance. Destácase esta modalidade artística, tanto pola relevancia que tivo no momento como tamén pola repercusión que ía ter este xeito de interpretar a arte de modo interdisciplinario (poesía, música e pintura) na creación artística galega de finais do século XX. Téntase facer do mesmo xeito unha pequena reflexión sobre o concepto performance. In this article I will discuss one of the activities of the Grupo de Comunicación Poética Rompente: performance. This artistic form is emphasised for the relevance it had at a given period and for the repercussions that this form of interpreting art by interdisciplinary means (poetry, music, and painting) had on Galician artistic creation at the end of the twentieth century. In the same manner, I will try to offer some new considerations on the concept of performance.

Cuando en el año 1983 Joaquín Sabina cerraba su respuesta a la pregunta de Víctor Claudín (“¿qué es la canción popular?”) en Pueblo que canta con el lúdico desafío “¡Abajo la Canción Popular! ¡Vivan las canciones populares!” no hacía más que volver a decir, con un gesto irónicamente adolescente, como él acostumbra a hacerlo, que con Franco (y, luego, el comienzo de la transición hacia la democracia española) debían ya de haberse muerto también los fundamentos y los dogmas, de uno y de otro lado: los de las políticas autoritarias y los de la reductiva y mezquinamente denominada “canción de protesta” contra esas mismas políticas. Las minúsculas y el plural de su respuesta cifran prodigiosamente la condición en verdad constestataria de esta canción buscada por Sabina, Serrat, Amancio Prada, Carlos Cano, Adolfo Celdrán, María del Mar Bonet, Paco Ibáñez, Lluís Llauch, Labordeta, Vainica Doble, Rosa León y otros. Ella, que acuñó tras de sí, como una música encantatoria, tantas denominaciones, ha “protestado”, desde su nacimiento, contra los abusos de los regímenes autoritarios y contra todos sus vecinos e hijos ilegítimos (los medios que los cobijaban, la canción “folclórica”, la de “consumo”…) incluyendo a sus descendientes actuales (la globalización, las diversas formas de xenofobia y discriminación, el descuido del sistema ecológico). Pero también “protestó” (desde el comienzo pero mucho más fructíferamente después), más allá de sus temas, a través de su filiación a menudo paradójica con la literatura consagrada y con otros productos circulantes dentro de los medios.

El presente trabajo tiene como objeto descubrir las claves de una lectura: la que hace Paco Ibáñez de los textos de Luis de Góngora y Argote. Porque es, sin duda, una lectura, esto es, una "versión" particular, en fin, una "traducción", el álbum de Ibáñez editado en 1964, al calor del movimiento de la "nueva canción" hispana, que recoge, en su programa formal e ideológico, el primer impulso de la poesía “social” consagrada: el retorno a la “inmensa mayoría” de Blas de Otero, la apuesta por el coloquialismo y las hablas populares, el fin de la “videncia” y la “demiurgia” modernas. La primera pregunta que nos hacemos es ¿cómo pensar a Góngora en este contexto? ¿cómo conciliar las imágenes fantasmáticas de uno de los poetas más herméticos y esteticistas de la tradición española con esta impronta “engagée” de los 60? Ibañez, parece, se atreve a todo. Pero no tanto.