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La obra de Miguel Hernández, vapuleada y amada en igual medida tanto en su época como con posterioridad a su muerte, circulo en la posguerra apenas o nada: publicada fragmentariamente y por editoriales foráneas, por ejemplo Losada, de origen argentino, y sesgada por la censura, como la propia vida del autor, la misma no contaba con dimensiones precisas, ni mucho menos constituía una producción ordenada y fijada por la crítica especializada. No obstante, el tardío franquismo no pudo impedir el regreso lento pero sostenido del interés por el poeta y su apremiante reivindicación. El espesor intimista y combativo de sus poemas encontraron un paradigma transparente, por citar el caso más representativo, en el álbum que Joan Manuel Serrat dedica al oriolano en 1972.

Esta tese de doutoramento pretende nun primeiro momento afondar na historia e análise do grupo poético Rompente, así como no seu contexto social e cultural. A partir deste marco examínase o concepto vangarda e como se desenvolveu no espazo temporal da Transición á democracia e autonomía de Galiza. Desta forma, a dixitalización e establecemento da obra de Rompente en soporte dixital facilitará o posterior estudo e dotará a comunidade investigadora dunha serie de documentos que, en moitos casos, ficaron inéditos ou descatalogados, polo cal o seu acceso era difícil de encamiñar. Estes pretenden focalizar o discurso de vangarda na Transición e na construcción do campo literario galego nesta altura. Así, o marco cronolóxico que abrangue a investigación é o que corresponde ao período de 1975 (nacemento da formación) até 1983 (disolución do grupo). A partir das novas interpertacións verbo da Transición revísase o campo literario galego, especialmente no que atinxe ao xénero lírico, mais dende un prisma socioliterario. Paralelamente, o marco teórico empregado encádrase nas dinámicas sociolóxicas de P. Bourdieu, E. Sanguineti e X. González-Millán. Este modelo de traballo permítenos entender mellor o desenvolvemento do campo, o rol da vangarda como repertorio a camino entre ideoloxía, política e praxe literaria, e tamén para desglosar a historia do grupo Rompente da forma máis exhaustiva posible. A revisión de conceptos chave como literatura nacional, vangarda, posmodernidade ou vangarda posmoderna, historiografía ou desconstrucción forman parte da escrita da tese. Non se busca nesta investigación unha reflexión dende a teoría da literatura destes conceptos. Forman parte do modelo teórico e explícanse en documento anexo, así é como se aportan apuntamentos verbo das dinámicas destes termos e como foron entendidos e practicados neste momento da historia do campo. O grupo Rompente amosou no seu devalar tres tipos de escrita: a) ensaio, b) creación poética e c) performance e produción radiofónica. Desta forma, desenvolveranse dous tipos de análise paralelos. Por una banda imos atender a produción teórica (sempre en cotexo coa teorías contemporáneas e practicadas en campos paralelos), para nun seguinte capítulo entender mellor a praxe literaria emanada do grupo. Atendendo a este último espazo de análise imos destacar tres tipos de texto. En primeiro lugar teriamos o texto poético estrictu senso, no que se analizan os documentos publicados (Crebar as liras, Follas de Resistencia Poética, Silabario da turbina, Triloxía dos Tres Tristes Tigres e A dama que fala), o manifestó Fóra as vosas sucias mans de Manoel Antonio! e tamén aquelas colaboracións illadas en revistas da época. A performance sería a segunda liña de traballo do grupo, da cal daremos conta a partir das análises practicadas por axentes críticos como A. Kaprow ou R.-L Goldberg, pretendendo demostrar como na Transición se deron experiencias vanguardistas que empatan coas dinámicas máis innovadoras na esfera internacional. En último lugar focalizaremos a experiencia radiofónica con Radio Esquimal e aqueles textos inéditos que rescatamos para dixitalizar e dar a coñecer. Estes tamén os imos pór en diálogo con outras experiencias paralelas noutros campos como o traballo desenvolvido por S. Beckett. A nivel xeral, desenvolveranse diferentes interpretacións do fenómeno literario de vangarda e do concepto de ideoloxía. Considero que as teorías da socioloxía da literatura e as dos Cultural Studies poden amosar un rendemento óptimo, xa que se intenciona describir como o grupo Rompente desconstrúe socio-literariamente e ideoloxicamente a vangarda mundial para o campo literario galego.

La performance poética que Batato Barea realizó en la presentación de la galería del Rojas, en 1989, para inaugurar la muestra de Liliana Maresca Lo que el viento se llevó colocó en primer plano aquello que Mladen Dolar (2007) denominó como “política de la voz”. El uso paródico que hizo el clown-travesti-literario respecto de la historia de la declamación de poesía estableció diferentes modos de fuga de aquella corporalidad rígida, proveniente de los procesos de homogeneización de la lengua de comienzos del siglo XX y reiterada como emblema del disciplinamiento de los cuerpos durante el período dictatorial. El poema recitado, -“Sombra de conchas” de Alejandro Urdapilleta- y la performance de Batato Barea hacían entrar, a través del repertorio gestual histórico de la declamación de poesía, nuevos posicionamientos sobre la subjetividad, teniendo como horizonte la puesta en primer plano de la teatralidad en distintas artes durante la posdictadura argentina. Paralelamente, junto a la escucha de esta voz paródica, puede rastrearse, en las performances del clown y del grupo Las coperas, un registro ambivalente, que absorbía los tonos imaginarios que la literatura ya había volcado sobre sí para ese entonces.

This study presents an analysis of the appropriation of public space by cultural producers in Cuba, with a focus on art collectives, in particular, OMNI Zona Franca from Alamar, east of Havana. Based on primary research conducted with the artists, cultural producers, and scholars, I discuss OMNI’s work in the context of the history and formation of a nascent movement for civil society in Cuba, locating the collective’s work within the matrix of alternative and African diasporic cultural production. The latter is framed as part of a historical continuum and in the context of the discussion of race that emerged in Cuba’s public sphere during the 1990s with a concurrent movement among black Cuban artists to address issues of race. Situating OMNI’s work in a longer history of Afro-Cuban cultural production in Cuba as well as within the history of art collectives this study demonstrates how OMNI’s participation in the public sphere relates to social practice, appropriation of space, alternativity, and the forging of a wide coalition of civil and artistic alternatives among diverse communities. I draw on discourses on the production of space, particularly those of Henri Lefebvre and Raymond Williams, and argue that the unique and specific history of Alamar provided a fertile ground for alternative culture where multiple and countercultural expressions could be incubated and take root. The struggle over public space and the attempts by artists to create an autonomous public sphere in Cuba have led to continual conflict with the state. Using Gramsci’s theorization of civil society as incorporating both the hegemonic and contestatory realms, I contend that the level of contestation in OMNI Zona Franca’s work should be seen as counter-hegemonic expression aimed at altering the status quo. Producing new social relations, the collective’s practice is offered as an example of how art and cultural production is inaugurating alternative counter-spaces in the context of a demand for a more inclusive and representative Revolutionary public sphere.

"Tyler Hoffman brings a fresh perspective to the subject of performance poetry, and this comes at an excellent time, when there is such a vast interest across the country and around the world in the performance of poetry. He makes important connections, explaining things in a manner that remains provocative, interesting, and accessible." ---Jay Parini, Middlebury College American Poetry in Performance: From Walt Whitman to Hip Hop is the first book to trace a comprehensive history of performance poetry in America, covering 150 years of literary history from Walt Whitman through the rap-meets-poetry scene. It reveals how the performance of poetry is bound up with the performance of identity and nationality in the modern period and carries its own shifting cultural politics. This book stands at the crossroads of the humanities and the social sciences; it is a book of literary and cultural criticism that deals squarely with issues of "performance," a concept that has attained great importance in the disciplines of anthropology and sociology and has generated its own distinct field of performance studies. American Poetry in Performance will be a meaningful contribution both to the field of American poetry studies and to the fields of cultural and performance studies, as it focuses on poetry that refuses the status of fixed aesthetic object and, in its variability, performs versions of race, class, gender, and sexuality both on and off the page. Relating the performance of poetry to shifting political and cultural ideologies in the United States, Hoffman argues that the vocal aspect of public poetry possesses (or has been imagined to possess) the ability to help construct both national and subaltern communities. American Poetry in Performance explores public poets' confrontations with emergent sound recording and communications technologies as those confrontations shape their mythologies of the spoken word and their corresponding notions about America and Americanness.

Una biblioteca con libros de historia, ilustraciones, colecciones de VHS, cartucheras de DVDs, compilaciones periodísticas, testimonios, revistas literarias, fotografías, grabaciones sonoras, filmes. Un exhibidor de objetos, disfraces, instrumentos musicales, muñecos. Solicitadas en diarios, invitaciones a eventos, reconstrucciones de espacios, mapas de ciudades, circuitos virtuales en 3D. La imaginación es capciosa, ya que aun cuando efectivamente la reproductibilidad técnica hubiera podido hacer una copia y un registro absoluto, la performance tampoco estaría allí. Su ausencia se distingue de la ruina; el acontecimiento no regresa, no simplemente porque haya pasado el tiempo, sino porque no estaba hech para perdurar.

The new digital and electronic media force us to redefine the contrasting notions of orality and literacy, which now move into cyberespace. These technologies are memory machines which help to preserve knowledge, and increase its productivity by means of multimedia codes capable of generating manipulable works which could not be accomplished by the classic media. Those works are often defined by their open and fragmentary nature, allowing interactive and open access, and teamwork in different locations. This article concentrates on digital poetry and its movement back to orality, subverting systematic, rule-bound, linear and ordered spaces in writing.

Tomam-se como corpora três folhetos de literatura de cordel para discutir sobre os modos de construção do conceito de identidade política, sua relação com a memória social e discursiva, os discursos repetíveis, os deslizamentos e as subversões de sentido. A análise de discurso considera que a identidade é um movimento que se faz na história e que, por isso, dá-se entre unidade e dispersão: refere-se às posições do sujeito, as chamadas identidades de posicionamento, e às suas filiações aos interdiscursos. O suporte teórico respalda-se em autores, tais como Michel Pêcheux, Dominique Maingueneau, Roberto DaMatta, Karina Kuschnir e Max Weber, que contribuem com reflexões pertinentes sobre o conceito de identidade política. Abstract: Three papers of the cordel literature were taken as "corpora" in order to discuss about the ways of building the concept of political identity, its relation with the social and discursive memories, with the repeatable discourses, with the slides and with the subversions of the senses. The discourse analysis considers that the identity is a movement made in history and, therefore, between unity and dispersion: it refers to the positions of the subject, what is known as “identities of position”, and its filiations to the inter-discourses. The theoretical support is based on authors such as Dominique Maingueneau, Roberto DaMatta, Karina Kuschnir and Max Weber who also contribute with pertinent considerations about the concept of political identity.

Wie gehen Damien Hirst und Banksy mit Konsumkultur um? Welche Strategien wählen die Künstler, um aus dem Konsumkreis zu entfl iehen? Auf welche Weise tauchen diese Phänomene in beider Kunst auf? Diesen Aufsatz zusammenfassend überspitzt Hirst die radikale Säkularisierung unserer Gesellscha.. ; Banksy politisiert ähnlich der Karikatur durch sein Aufdecken von inhärenten Widersprüchen. What is Damien Hirst's and Banksy's attitude towards consumer culture? What strategies choose the artists to get out of the consumption cycle? In what way do these phenomena of capitalism appear in their art? Generally speaking, Hirst exaggerates the radical secularization of our society; Banksy is politicizing similar to the cartoon by uncovering society's inherent contradictions ¿Cuál es el posicionamiento de Damien Hirst y Banksy frente a la cultura del consumo? ¿Qué estrategias adopta cada uno de ellos para distanciarse del ciclo del consumismo? ¿Cómo representan el capitalismo en su obra? Grosso modo: Hirst exagera la radical secularización de nuestra sociedad y Banksy, acercándose a la caricatura, critica decisiones de tipo político mediante la exhibición de las contradicciones inherentes a ellas.

He is the outlaw who has been dragged reluctantly, but relentlessly, ever closer to the art establishment. He is the artist who mocked museums and art galleries alike. Yet he chose to mount his first major exhibition in one of the crustiest museums imaginable – amidst the stuffed animals and the antique pianos of Bristol City Museum and Art Gallery – and made a huge success of it. When, in 2010, Time magazine selected him for its list of 100 most influential people in the world, along with the likes of Barack Obama, Apple’s Steve Jobs and Lady Gaga, he supplied a picture of himself with a paper bag (recyclable of course) over his head. For he is an artist unique in the twenty-first century: famous but unknown. He claims he needs this anonymity to protect himself from the forces of law and order. This was true in the past, but at this stage in his career most cities would welcome a new Banksy on the wall. The argument would be how best to preserve it, not how to lock up its creator. This book does not attempt to unmask him. Tales of scuttling around his home town of Bristol trying to convince childhood friends to reveal his identity would not make for very interesting reading. More important is the fact that fans, followers and even those who are just vaguely aware he exists, don’t want to know who he is. The New Statesman critic who derides it all as ‘ostentatious anonymity’ is very much in the minority. We all enjoy the mystery of the man who has somehow managed to get himself described as ‘Robin Hood’ even though he is hardly robbing the rich to feed the poor. What this book does do, however, is to follow his upward spiral from the outlaw – just one of many – spraying the walls of Bristol in the 1990s to the artist whose work commands hundreds of thousands of pounds in the auction houses of Britain and America. The outsider who has become an insider.

Introduction The experiences of democratization in Latin America and Eastern Europe in the 1980s and early 1990s brought attention to the forces of civil society as key actors in the demise of authoritarian rule (O’Donnell and Schmitter 1986; Cohen and Arato 1992; Bernhard 1993; Linz and Stepan 1996). More recent literature questions the inherently pro-democratic character of civil society activism (Warren 2000; Armony 2004; Jamal 2007). In both lines of argument, societal associations or social movements are at the core of the inquiry. However, Hirschman’s category of “voice,” which encompasses as much articulation of discontent as it does actions of protest (Hirschman 1970), reminds us that for civil society activism to evolve, something fundamental is necessary: an arena in which voices can be raised and heard and in which government and society interact. The question of civil society, thus, is intrinsically linked to the conditions, contours, limitations and possibilities of communication, media and the public sphere. Ever since the term “Facebook revolution” (Smith 2011) was coined for the social mobilizations that led to the downfall of the Mubarak regime in Egypt, this link between communication, civil society activism and democratization has received great media attention. However, most of this attention focused on the mobilizing potential of the digital media at the moment of rupture. This chapter takes a contemporary perspective as it seeks to contribute to our understanding of the Internet’s impact on civil society dynamics in a non-pluralist context through a diachronic comparison. Based on an empirical study of the Cuban case, the argument is as follows. Prior to the entry of the Internet, the civil society debate centered around the quest for higher degrees of autonomy for associations and institutions within the framework of the state-socialist regime. In contrast, the new media enabled the emergence of a new, less state-dependent type of public sphere; as a consequence, the civil society debate has become increasingly centered on the assertion of individual citizenship rights within andvis-à-vis the state. The reformist civil society quest of the pre-Internet period failed in part because of its character as behind-the-scenes-struggle, shielded from public view, which impeded a broader mobilization of protest when the state decided to rein in the incipient push for civil society. In contrast, the current drive for civil society indeed finds strong public repercussion; for its democratizing potential to come to fruition, the crucial fault-line is to connect web-based voice to public debate and social action in the country’s physical off-line environment. By taking Cuba as object of empirical analysis, this study selects a case with a particularly thorough form of authoritarian hold over the public sphere: a formal monopoly of the Cuban state on mass media, established in the historic experience of twentieth-century state-socialism and upheld even two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall. At the same time, Cuba is strongly exposed to transnational influences and a transnational articulation of voice, due to a large number of emigrant and diaspora communities that remain highly attached to their country of origin (Fernández 2005). The approach chosen to analyze the impact of the Internet on state-society relations is through a diachronic comparison of the Cuban development in two distinct periods: the pre-Internet period, i.e., Cuba in the early to mid 1990s, when the Cold War alignment had already become history but web-based technologies did not yet have a major presence on the island; and more than a decade later, since the mid to late 2000s, when web-based media had made their entry on the island. Formal data on Internet access and use are scarce and unreliable. For 2009, the Cuban Ministry of Informatics and Communications gives the figure of 1,450,000 Cubans, or 12.7 percent, as “Internet users” (ONE 2009)1 without specifying the precise uses this number includes. The figure certainly should not be mistaken for access to the World Wide Web, which remains severely restricted. Instead, the figure most probably includes all Cubans with some kind of (even if only sporadic) access to closed domestic networks or with access to e-mail services. At the same time accounts are shared and, as for other goods and services, also Internet access has a black market side that escapes official statistics. Moreover, Internet content “travels” by USB stick also to many who do not have access themselves. For both these periods, the study relies on the analysis of numerous primary documents, as well as newspapers and secondary literature. In the case of the post-Internet phase, in addition to the above, documents published on the web have been a primary source of analysis. While some authors link issues of civil society and Internet voice merely to the political opposition, this chapter does not limit its focus to this divide but analyzes as much societal actors working within the established institutions of the socialist state as well as those outside of it. In both periods under scrutiny field trips to the island were undertaken in which actors from a broad range of positions were interviewed. While these interviews are not cited directly due to political sensitivities, they provide an invaluable background for the trends described.

La poesía experimental latinoamericana se posiciona frente a la tradición textual que priva a la palabra escrita de sus potencialidades escénicas, gráficas y rituales, y cuestiona los límites del lenguaje, al tiempo que exalta su libertad. La reflexión sobre la letra y la sonoridad de la poesía nos permite considerar a la escritura no como portadora de significados externos a ella, sino como un pensamiento que se despliega por la página y más allá. El aquí y ahora de la escritura se encuentra con el aquí y ahora de la escena, lo cual abre camino a una poesía performativa. Este ensayo reflexiona acerca de estas cuestiones a través del análisis de un caso particular: el trabajo poético y de arte-acción de Raúl Zurita, fundador del Colectivo Acciones de Arte (CADA), el cual tuvo gran impacto en las manifestaciones de arte político durante la dictadura militar de Augusto Pinochet, así como en la manera de concebir los límites entre la literatura y el arte del performance.

This book explores the themes of displacement, exile and migration in the work of the most important Argentine poets since the 1950s. The book outlines the poetry of key authors in the second half of the twentieth century as well as writing by younger poets at the turn of the century. It includes generous selections of the original poems with new translations into English by the author.

A medio camino entre el centro barroco de La Habana y las playas situadas al este de la ciudad que anteceden al esplendor de Varadero, la barriada de Alamar forma parte del municipio de La Habana del Este: una ciudad dentro de la ciudad, separada de La Habana Vieja por un túnel tras el cual empieza un mundo que el yuma (término despectivo del argot callejero que designa al turista o al extranjero) tiene pocas posibilidades de contemplar como no sea por la ventanilla de uno de esos taxis que recorren sin paradas el espacio comprendido entre el centro y la costa. Cien mil habitantes divididos en veinticinco barrios construidos entre los años setenta y la mitad de la década de los ochenta. Alamar es la antítesis de esa Habana Vieja disneyficada, con sus calles coloniales y su flujo ininterrumpido de turistas: un tiempo y un espacio dilata-dos, edificios racionalistas separados por unas fluidas arterias que conectan los diferentes barrios, espacios agrícolas, un río, vastas áreas militares en desuso, una decrépita y decadente fachada litoral cubierta de hormigón desde la que se vislum-bran las diferentes áreas y etapas de la zona. Una zona que es la plasmación física del diseño y del fracaso de la Utopía, una vasta Unité d'habitation reproducida a gran escala y en la actualidad deshaciéndose poco a poco por la falta de mantenimiento, infraestructuras, servicios comunitarios, comunicaciones y transporte. Una metáfora perfecta de las paradojas y singularidades de Cuba: la instalación abstracta del modelo socialista (y de su fracaso) en una realidad caribeña hecha de lentitud, relaciones y mestizaje. La expansión urbana de la capital cubana llegó a su culmen y al máximo de su decadencia en esta zona, construida por las Microbrigadas, unos grupos de hombres traídos por el gobierno para edificar uno de los proyectos de urbanización de viviendas sociales más imponentes del país. Un periodo constructivo que quedó interrumpido por la crisis econó-mica que siguió a la caída del Muro de Berlín y a la disolución de la URSS (Periodo especial').

Este trabajo se propone señalar las prácticas de poesía ligadas a la performance y la teatralidad en la región del Río de la Plata durante los procesos de finalización de la dictadura y comienzos de la democracia, hacia finales del siglo XX. Menciona brevemente una historia del género y los problemas metodológicos que presenta la investigación. Desarrolla, además, la emergencia de formas de la teatralidad en las producciones artísticas y políticas de comienzos de 1980 en Argentina, período marcado por la transición democrática, para ubicar en este marco la producción del poeta y dramaturgo Emeterio Cerro.

During the twentieth century, two movements in Cuban art played a critical role in creating an expanded space for societal debate and cultural expression: the artistic avant-garde and the Afro-Cuban movement. Initially flourishing in the late 1920s and early 1930s, these collective efforts took on new forms in the changed environment after 1959. After the Revolution, conditions for cultural production changed with the official position that art should serve ideological functions, but both avant-garde and Afro-Cuban production continued, at the risk of conflict with the state. In the face of a restrictive state that sought to control such expressions, the Afro-Cuban movement and avant-garde art collectives developed along parallel, and sometimes intersecting, lines.

After centuries of symbolic and political oppression, Galicia has been recognized by the Spanish constitution as a historic nationality. However, despite a certain degree of political autonomy, Galician identity is threatened by increasing homogenization in the economic, social, cultural and linguistic fields. In the early 1990s the aesthetic movement Bravú constructed an aesthetic community, sustained by an ideological project, and with the aim to, on the one hand, prevent Galician culture from becoming folklore stuck in a time warp and, on the other hand, to validate Galician identity. The Bravú artists refused the historically inherited outsider position and contributed to a reinvention of Galician identity and of a political ideal within a cosmopolitan, internationalist framework and by reversing social stigmas through their works and performances.