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Tomam-se como corpora três folhetos de literatura de cordel para discutir sobre os modos de construção do conceito de identidade política, sua relação com a memória social e discursiva, os discursos repetíveis, os deslizamentos e as subversões de sentido. A análise de discurso considera que a identidade é um movimento que se faz na história e que, por isso, dá-se entre unidade e dispersão: refere-se às posições do sujeito, as chamadas identidades de posicionamento, e às suas filiações aos interdiscursos. O suporte teórico respalda-se em autores, tais como Michel Pêcheux, Dominique Maingueneau, Roberto DaMatta, Karina Kuschnir e Max Weber, que contribuem com reflexões pertinentes sobre o conceito de identidade política. Abstract: Three papers of the cordel literature were taken as "corpora" in order to discuss about the ways of building the concept of political identity, its relation with the social and discursive memories, with the repeatable discourses, with the slides and with the subversions of the senses. The discourse analysis considers that the identity is a movement made in history and, therefore, between unity and dispersion: it refers to the positions of the subject, what is known as “identities of position”, and its filiations to the inter-discourses. The theoretical support is based on authors such as Dominique Maingueneau, Roberto DaMatta, Karina Kuschnir and Max Weber who also contribute with pertinent considerations about the concept of political identity.

Wie gehen Damien Hirst und Banksy mit Konsumkultur um? Welche Strategien wählen die Künstler, um aus dem Konsumkreis zu entfl iehen? Auf welche Weise tauchen diese Phänomene in beider Kunst auf? Diesen Aufsatz zusammenfassend überspitzt Hirst die radikale Säkularisierung unserer Gesellscha.. ; Banksy politisiert ähnlich der Karikatur durch sein Aufdecken von inhärenten Widersprüchen. What is Damien Hirst's and Banksy's attitude towards consumer culture? What strategies choose the artists to get out of the consumption cycle? In what way do these phenomena of capitalism appear in their art? Generally speaking, Hirst exaggerates the radical secularization of our society; Banksy is politicizing similar to the cartoon by uncovering society's inherent contradictions ¿Cuál es el posicionamiento de Damien Hirst y Banksy frente a la cultura del consumo? ¿Qué estrategias adopta cada uno de ellos para distanciarse del ciclo del consumismo? ¿Cómo representan el capitalismo en su obra? Grosso modo: Hirst exagera la radical secularización de nuestra sociedad y Banksy, acercándose a la caricatura, critica decisiones de tipo político mediante la exhibición de las contradicciones inherentes a ellas.

INTRODUÇÃO / 01 1° Capítulo: Percursos Urbanos na Arte de Rua / 06 1.1 O Berço da Arte de Rua / 07 1.2 Filhos dos Guetos / 12 1.3 Passos para a Fama / 16 1.4 Guerra de Estilos / 18 1.5 A Expansão nas Mídias / 24 1.6 O Mercado do Graffiti / 27 2° Capítulo: 2 Ato Transgressor: O Artista na Rua / 32 2.1 O Risco Vale a Pena / 33 2.2 “Declare o Seu Amor à Cidade, São Paulo 450 anos” / 34 2.3 Caminhos na Contramão / 38 2.4 XARPI, Profissão Perigo / 42 2.5 A Pixação pela Porta da Frente / 50 2.6 Escrita Urbana / 57 3° Capítulo: 3 Circuitos Locais / 60 3.1 Graffiti Made in Brasil / 61 3.1.1 Artistas do Graffiti / 64 3.2. O Graffiti com Sotaque Carioca / 70 3.2.1. Graffiti de Periferia / 75 3.3. Antídoto Contra a Pixação / 77 CONSIDERAÇÕES FINAIS / 84 APÊNDICES / 90 Circuitos Locais - Galeria de Fotos / 91 REFERÊNCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS / 102 *** Resumo Este estudo tem como objetivo contribuir para a compreensão da origem das intervençõesurbanas através do grafite contemporâneo, sua expansão no Brasil e de que forma aporta aocircuito das instituições oficiais da arte. Orientamos o escopo de nossa pesquisa no sentido deacompanhar a expansão do fenômeno do grafite como arte de rua no Brasil desde anos 1970 até o presente momento; o processo de crescimento dos dois vieses do grafite (pichação egrafite) nas cidades de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro; de que forma o grafite se consagra comoum novo gênero artístico junto ao circuito institucional; e como o ensino do grafite vem sendovinculado a projetos sociais. Partindo desse recorte recorremos à análise da origem desse movimento nos Estados Unidos; a expansão da pichação nas grandes cidades brasileiras apartir de um contexto urbano, e o grafite como uma expressão juvenil que se impõe nessecenário; assim como aspectos e características da pichação em São Paulo e os processos demidiatização e hibridação cultural. Partindo de uma pesquisa documental, bibliográfica e decampo, buscou-se verificar as diferenças e contrastes entre a pichação e o grafite; quais osmétodos de intervenção, técnicas, materiais e estilos; a análise histórica dos artistas pioneiros no grafite na década de 1970 em São Paulo; assim como, o início do grafite no Rio de Janeironos anos 1980. Por fim, procurou-se entender o propósito de iniciativas que visam a oferta decursos e oficinas de grafite em projetos destinados aos jovens de comunidades de baixa rendano Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Abstract This study aims at contributing to an understanding of the origin of the urbaninterventions through the contemporary graffiti, its development in Brazil, and how itcontributes to the circuit of the official institutions of Art. We have decided to carry out ourresearch in order to monitor the expansion of the graffiti phenomenon as a street art in Brazilfrom the 1970s up to the present time, the process of the growth of the two types of graffiti(writings and picture graffiti) in São Paulo and in Rio de Janeiro; how graffiti has establisheditself as a new artistic genre within the institutional circuit; and how the teaching of graffitihas been connected to social projects. Considering the information collected, we have done ananalysis of the origin of this movement in the United States; the expansion of the graffiti inbig Brazilian cities from an urban context, and the graffiti as a youth expression which hasimposed itself in this scenario; as well as aspects of the writings ( pichação)in São Paulo, andthe processes of mediatization and cultural hybridization. From a documental, bibliographicaland field research, we have attempted to point out the differences and contrasts betweenwritings and picture graffiti; which were the intervention methods, the techniques, thematerials, the styles; the historical analysis of the pioneer artists in the 1970s in São Paulo; aswell as the beginning of graffiti in Rio de Janeiro in the 1980s. Finally, we have tried tounderstand the purpose of the initiatives which aim at offering courses and workshops aboutgraffiti in projects for young people from low-income communities in the state of Rio deJaneiro.

He is the outlaw who has been dragged reluctantly, but relentlessly, ever closer to the art establishment. He is the artist who mocked museums and art galleries alike. Yet he chose to mount his first major exhibition in one of the crustiest museums imaginable – amidst the stuffed animals and the antique pianos of Bristol City Museum and Art Gallery – and made a huge success of it. When, in 2010, Time magazine selected him for its list of 100 most influential people in the world, along with the likes of Barack Obama, Apple’s Steve Jobs and Lady Gaga, he supplied a picture of himself with a paper bag (recyclable of course) over his head. For he is an artist unique in the twenty-first century: famous but unknown. He claims he needs this anonymity to protect himself from the forces of law and order. This was true in the past, but at this stage in his career most cities would welcome a new Banksy on the wall. The argument would be how best to preserve it, not how to lock up its creator. This book does not attempt to unmask him. Tales of scuttling around his home town of Bristol trying to convince childhood friends to reveal his identity would not make for very interesting reading. More important is the fact that fans, followers and even those who are just vaguely aware he exists, don’t want to know who he is. The New Statesman critic who derides it all as ‘ostentatious anonymity’ is very much in the minority. We all enjoy the mystery of the man who has somehow managed to get himself described as ‘Robin Hood’ even though he is hardly robbing the rich to feed the poor. What this book does do, however, is to follow his upward spiral from the outlaw – just one of many – spraying the walls of Bristol in the 1990s to the artist whose work commands hundreds of thousands of pounds in the auction houses of Britain and America. The outsider who has become an insider.

Introduction The experiences of democratization in Latin America and Eastern Europe in the 1980s and early 1990s brought attention to the forces of civil society as key actors in the demise of authoritarian rule (O’Donnell and Schmitter 1986; Cohen and Arato 1992; Bernhard 1993; Linz and Stepan 1996). More recent literature questions the inherently pro-democratic character of civil society activism (Warren 2000; Armony 2004; Jamal 2007). In both lines of argument, societal associations or social movements are at the core of the inquiry. However, Hirschman’s category of “voice,” which encompasses as much articulation of discontent as it does actions of protest (Hirschman 1970), reminds us that for civil society activism to evolve, something fundamental is necessary: an arena in which voices can be raised and heard and in which government and society interact. The question of civil society, thus, is intrinsically linked to the conditions, contours, limitations and possibilities of communication, media and the public sphere. Ever since the term “Facebook revolution” (Smith 2011) was coined for the social mobilizations that led to the downfall of the Mubarak regime in Egypt, this link between communication, civil society activism and democratization has received great media attention. However, most of this attention focused on the mobilizing potential of the digital media at the moment of rupture. This chapter takes a contemporary perspective as it seeks to contribute to our understanding of the Internet’s impact on civil society dynamics in a non-pluralist context through a diachronic comparison. Based on an empirical study of the Cuban case, the argument is as follows. Prior to the entry of the Internet, the civil society debate centered around the quest for higher degrees of autonomy for associations and institutions within the framework of the state-socialist regime. In contrast, the new media enabled the emergence of a new, less state-dependent type of public sphere; as a consequence, the civil society debate has become increasingly centered on the assertion of individual citizenship rights within andvis-à-vis the state. The reformist civil society quest of the pre-Internet period failed in part because of its character as behind-the-scenes-struggle, shielded from public view, which impeded a broader mobilization of protest when the state decided to rein in the incipient push for civil society. In contrast, the current drive for civil society indeed finds strong public repercussion; for its democratizing potential to come to fruition, the crucial fault-line is to connect web-based voice to public debate and social action in the country’s physical off-line environment. By taking Cuba as object of empirical analysis, this study selects a case with a particularly thorough form of authoritarian hold over the public sphere: a formal monopoly of the Cuban state on mass media, established in the historic experience of twentieth-century state-socialism and upheld even two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall. At the same time, Cuba is strongly exposed to transnational influences and a transnational articulation of voice, due to a large number of emigrant and diaspora communities that remain highly attached to their country of origin (Fernández 2005). The approach chosen to analyze the impact of the Internet on state-society relations is through a diachronic comparison of the Cuban development in two distinct periods: the pre-Internet period, i.e., Cuba in the early to mid 1990s, when the Cold War alignment had already become history but web-based technologies did not yet have a major presence on the island; and more than a decade later, since the mid to late 2000s, when web-based media had made their entry on the island. Formal data on Internet access and use are scarce and unreliable. For 2009, the Cuban Ministry of Informatics and Communications gives the figure of 1,450,000 Cubans, or 12.7 percent, as “Internet users” (ONE 2009)1 without specifying the precise uses this number includes. The figure certainly should not be mistaken for access to the World Wide Web, which remains severely restricted. Instead, the figure most probably includes all Cubans with some kind of (even if only sporadic) access to closed domestic networks or with access to e-mail services. At the same time accounts are shared and, as for other goods and services, also Internet access has a black market side that escapes official statistics. Moreover, Internet content “travels” by USB stick also to many who do not have access themselves. For both these periods, the study relies on the analysis of numerous primary documents, as well as newspapers and secondary literature. In the case of the post-Internet phase, in addition to the above, documents published on the web have been a primary source of analysis. While some authors link issues of civil society and Internet voice merely to the political opposition, this chapter does not limit its focus to this divide but analyzes as much societal actors working within the established institutions of the socialist state as well as those outside of it. In both periods under scrutiny field trips to the island were undertaken in which actors from a broad range of positions were interviewed. While these interviews are not cited directly due to political sensitivities, they provide an invaluable background for the trends described.

La poesía experimental latinoamericana se posiciona frente a la tradición textual que priva a la palabra escrita de sus potencialidades escénicas, gráficas y rituales, y cuestiona los límites del lenguaje, al tiempo que exalta su libertad. La reflexión sobre la letra y la sonoridad de la poesía nos permite considerar a la escritura no como portadora de significados externos a ella, sino como un pensamiento que se despliega por la página y más allá. El aquí y ahora de la escritura se encuentra con el aquí y ahora de la escena, lo cual abre camino a una poesía performativa. Este ensayo reflexiona acerca de estas cuestiones a través del análisis de un caso particular: el trabajo poético y de arte-acción de Raúl Zurita, fundador del Colectivo Acciones de Arte (CADA), el cual tuvo gran impacto en las manifestaciones de arte político durante la dictadura militar de Augusto Pinochet, así como en la manera de concebir los límites entre la literatura y el arte del performance.